Quan s’abat la nit sobre el meu país, Catalunya, rellegeixo Thoreau

Thoreau va elaborar el concepte de "desobediència civil" com a resposta pacífica davant de dos fets polítics que li provocaven repugnància: l'esclavitud dels afroamericans i la guerra contra Mèxic. Desobeir significava per a ell, d'una banda, negar-se a pagar impostos per no col·laborar amb el que considerava una injustícia i, de l'altra, reivindicar un "govern mínim", és a dir, que interferís tan poc com fos possible en la vida de la gent i que, per descomptat, no tingués poder per enviar-los a una guerra assassina.

En el seu Diari (16 de febrer de 1851), Thoreau es preguntava: "Què vol dir ser lliures del rei Jordi IV i seguir sent esclaus del prejudici? Què significa néixer lliures i iguals i no viure-hi? De què serveix la voluntat política si no és com a mitjà per assolir la llibertat moral? Allò que ens fa sentir orgullosos és la llibertat de ser esclaus o la voluntat de ser lliures?" Resistir el poder també és, i per a Thoureau especialment, resistir als prejudicis que el respecte desaforat pel poder ens inculca (fins i tot de manera inconscient). “Vaig venir a aquest món no principalment per fer que aquest sigui un bon lloc per viure, sinó per viure-hi, sigui bo o dolent. Un home no ho ha de fer  tot, però sí alguna cosa; i pel fet que no pugui fer-ho tot no és necessari que faci alguna cosa malament.”

 

 

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Mentalitats

Des que la política va ser posada a les ordres de les finances i de l’economia, vivim amb por. La revolució conservadora, l’esfondrament del bloc soviètic, la globalització financera i la desregulació han  provocat un increment tan ostensible de les desigualtats que els grans capitals han

Continua llegint «Mentalitats»

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Coses que va dir Mandela però que els diaris espanyols no us explicaran mai…

  • Reprodueixo la transcripció del parlament que va pronunciar Nelson Mandela el 27 de maig de 2002, amb motiu de la inauguració del monument a la resistència passiva, a l’Umbilop Park de Durban. Algunes de les afirmacions que hi va realitzar tenen un sentit especial, quan es llegeixen des de Catalunya, en l’actual moment de transició. I és que hi ha algunes frases de Mandela que  ni la premsa espanyola ni els polítics estatals no citaran mai:

 

 

“To gather here today with the inauguration of this monument to Passive Resistance is in a very special way a celebration of our new found South African nationhood.

 

We South Africans have arrived at where we are because we refused to bow to the dictates of our oppressors about who we should be as a nation; about how we should be constituted as a single collective of diverse people; about how we should deal with the question of unity within diversity.

 

We defined our own discourse about what we preferred to call the national question when our adversaries chose to talk about and tried to indoctrinate our people about separate nationalities.

 

We must today refer to one of the most resilient and historically consistent founding documents of any organisation anywhere in the world – the Freedom Charter. It was that expression of the will of our people that consolidated the long held belief and democratic instinct of the South African masses that we are one people with one common destiny.

 

Our struggle has many origins that came together in the one unifying wish of people to be free, to determine their own destinies and to put the equality and well-being of human beings supreme no matter what social differences may distinguish them from each other.

 

The African National Congress came into being in the first decade of the previous century to unite the African people in a common struggle against a regime and a political order that thrived on the principle of divide and rule.

 

The African National Congress today governs as the ruling party in democratic South Africa – and rules on a massively majority mandate from all the people of our country – exactly because it never bowed to the baser instincts of trying to divide on the basis of social differences.

 

The African National Congress never imposed itself upon people. It was the vehicle for South African people of various backgrounds and approaches to liberation to come together as South Africans and to advance the struggle for political liberation, economic emancipation and human dignity.

 

The manner in which the African people, people of Asian origin, people from the Coloured community and democrats from the White community reached out to one another in a common front for liberation today still reverberates around the world as an inspiration of non-racial intent and will.

 

The seminal and formative contribution of the South African Indian community to how we understand ourselves as a nation, and to how we have arrived at our current definition of nationhood, is in quality and impact way beyond the proportion of their demographic presence.

 

The passive resistance tradition is one of the most enduring and noble pieces of heritage that community has contributed to our joint heritage of freedom struggle.

 

The Mahatma, Mohandas Gandhi, stands at the pinnacle of those symbols of the internationalism of our struggle. Here was a man who left his country to go to another, who took up the issues of his immediate community, and who grew to be an instrument for the struggles of all oppressed people. His methods of opposition and resistance to oppression inspired not only his country of temporary adoption, then his native country, but became a moral code the world over.

 

Our own struggle was morally in concert with that of the Mahatma, and members of the Indian community were key participants in that struggle. When the circumstances called on us as combatants for freedom and dignity to go the prisons of our oppressors, we were all heeding the call, including as everybody else members of the Indian community.

 

I remember, and want to remember today, people like the mother of our two current government members Essop and Aziz Pahad. She went to jail three times that I remember. There were university students such as the Meers, J S Singh, the Cachalia’s and many others.

 

Passive resistance and our armed struggle were of course never in a single-minded way morally in contradiction to one another. It was always our view that the methods of the oppressor in the end influenced the resistance methods. And our armed struggle was never simple-minded violence; it was always a politically supervised manner of bringing sanity to those intent upon violently subjecting the people of our country.

 

In that part of our struggle, too, members from all our communities and national groups played heroic roles, ensuring that our armed struggle remained true to the guiding principles that moved us to seek in the first place a peaceful resolution to our conflicts.

 

We inaugurate this monument to passive resistance as a symbol of the triumph of the unity of our people. We are one people with one common destiny. The road we have walked have been built by the contribution of all of us; the tools we have used on that road had been fashioned by all of us; the future we face is that of all of us, both in its promises and its demands.

 

I thank you.”

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Lluís Foix, a Lleida

Lluís Foix, en la seua primera visita a Lleida com a president d’honor de la Càtedra de Periodisme i Comunicació de la Universitat de Lleida, ha pronunciat una conferència amb anunciada amb el títol “Periodisme i llibertat”.

Deixant per a un altre moment un resum més ampli de la seua intervenció, anoto algunes de les recomanacions diverses que ha fet als futurs periodistes que es formen a la Universitat de Lleida: un bon domini de l’anglès,coneixement del marc històric europeu, llegir força i de tot, i adquirir un nivell d’expressió oral i escrita alt.

Foix ha destacat la capacitat d’establir analogies i relacions com una de les més importants en la feina d’un perodista. Continuarem parlant-ne.

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